Examining switching costs as a moderator in the relationship between Essay - 1

Examining switching costs as a moderator in the relationship between service personalization, customer satisfaction and customer - Essay Example The customers may get time saving in searching, locating and evaluating the alternatives services providers. They do not need to waste their time on learning. They do not need to spend their efforts, while switching to other vendors. In commercial view, customer loyalty is the key precondition for achieving success in e-business (Reichheld and Schefter 2000). Loyal customers benefit firm, since they bring additional revenues but require little attention from organizations. Loyal customers are more likely to forgive services handicaps and decreased price sensitivity. Committed customers generate positive work-of-mouth to others, enhance firms’ resistance to competition, and decrease the costs of selling. As a result, customer loyalty can be treated as a valuable asset. It is also a major source of sustaining continued profitability and organizational growth (Dick and Basu 1994; Anderson and Mittal 2000). The current state of research provides numerous definitions of custome r loyalty. In general level, customer loyalty defines the features and attitudes that consumers exhibit towards products, services, brands, and advertising messages. Customer loyalty signifies customer's willingness to re-buy, repeat patronage behavior over a period of time and a desire to continue and keep a continued relationship with the service providers (Dick and Basu 1994; Oliver 1999). (Anderson and Srinivasan 2003) described customer loyalty as a customer’s favored or chosen provider that leads them to behave positively toward a service provider with repeat patronage behavior. In general, customer loyalty in literature is conceptualized as a form of attitudinal behaviors in marketing and business (Jacoby and Chestnut 1978; Dick and Basu 1994; Oliver 1999; Casalo, Flavian et al. 2008). From an attitudinal perspective, it includes cognitive loyalty and affective loyalty. The customers want sustained relationships with their service providers. From the viewpoint of behavior, cognitive loyalty is a form of repeated patronage that sets the pattern for repeated purchases. Theoretically, whenever customers identify and choose the product or service they like, which meets their quality and price expectations, they are willing to use this product on a long-term basis; as a result, they are no longer concerned with searching for alternatives and become disinterested in competitive and advertising messages and threats. (Oliver 1999). (Oliver 1999) introduced four stage loyalty model; cognitive loyalty is the first stage, which is essentially about the quality of buying behaviors that are affected by customer’s individual characteristics and the circumstances, in which purchase takes place. Customers cannot be loyal to the brand, unless they have information about it. Loyalty develops when customers have sufficient information to decide that the brand is a preferable choice relative to other alternatives. Brand attitudes can be based on pri or knowledge of the brand or brand experiences. Affective loyalty is the second stage, when customers link their knowledge and experiences about the brand to this very brand. Conative loyalty is the third step. This is a very deep commitment by a customer that would like to

Cirque Du Soleil Essay Example for Free

Cirque Du Soleil Essay Cirque du Soleil began in Quebec with two street performers (Guy Lalibert and Daniel Gauthier) back in 1982 and called their small group of young street performers ‘The High Heels club’ and decided to put on a small festival for the audience. By 1984 Cirque du Soleil was born, the name meaning ‘Circus of the sun’ in French. The main philosophy or aim of Cirque du Soleil is creativity and innovation of the circus to redefine the entertainment landscape, and thrill audiences around the world. Since its inception, Cirque du Soleil has created a lot of shows with incredibly different themes and issues. The most popular of these shows are: Saltimbanco- explores the urban experience in all its myriad forms, Alegria-explores power and the handing down of power over time, the evolution from ancient monarchies to modern democracies, old age, youth. Quidam-it could be anyone, anybody. Someone coming, going, living in our anonymous society. A member of the crowd, one of the silent majority. Dralion- Dralion derives much of its inspiration from Eastern philosophy with its perpetual quest for harmony between humankind and nature. Varekai- production pays tribute to the nomadic soul, to the spirit and art of the circus tradition, and to the infinite passion of those whose quest takes them along the path that leads to Varekai. Cirque du Soleil captures many dramatic forms including acts from contortionists, jugglers, feats of strength, clowning, dance, mime, light climates, puppeteers, stage maneuvers, comedy, interaction with public, acrobats and trapeze artists. An example of your typical act, is a man in a mouse wheel, being spun around in 360Â ° circles, doing tricks that amaze the audience because of the manipulation of gravity. Also, Cirque du Soleil does not make use of any such animals. Traditionally, Cirque du Soleil shows do not use pre-recorded music, with exceptions; all music is played live and in many circumstances sung live by singers with magnificent voices. The costumes used in the show are always very elaborate, or if flexibility is needed the costumes can be plain but are usually colourful and creative, matching the theme of the show. The sets for the shows are typically amazing again always matching the culture being performed on stage. Cirque Du Soleil has a vast range of characters in the huge number of performances and the company itself has over 4000 employees and 1000 artists. Characters in the performance are always bright, colourful and extremely skillful and always are doing amazing tricks that depict the theme of the show or that can lighten and entertain the audience. As the performance goes on most of the time you enter the life of some of the characters as they tell their life story (normally the host) and interact more and more with the audience.

Comparing The Sun Also Rises and Possessing the Secret of Joy :: comparison compare contrast essays

Similarities in The Sun Also Rises and Possessing the Secret of Joy      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Ernest Hemingway and Alice Walker, although separated by seven decades, show striking similarity in their definitions of love in their novels The Sun Also Rises and Possessing the Secret of Joy. It is a unique similarity of circumstances that links these two novels. Jake Barnes, the protagonist of The Sun Also Rises, is literally and symbolically castrated during his service in the First World War. Tashi, the protagonist of Possessing the Secret of Joy, undergoes an ancient tribal ritual of female circumcision that leaves her incapable of having sex. Through these two characters, Hemingway and Walker proclaim their belief that love can exist outside the parameters of a conventional relationship.    Both Jake and Tashi are wounded by serving their countries--Jake in the war, Tashi in an ancient tribal ritual. In both cases, their sacrifice is expected of them. Jake, after returning from the battlefield, is commended by his officer. It certainly was a "rotten way to be wounded," and Jake's officer says, "You gave more than your life." To his officer, however, if Jake had given more than his life it was given in honor of his country, so any consequences of his wound was a fate he would have to live with. He was supposed to be proud to have given so much for the war effort, but his wound does not make Jake a hero. Instead, he is reduced to something less than a man. His wound becomes a joke instead of a mark of a martyr. Jake thinks, "At one time or another I had probably considered it [his wound] from most of its various angles, including the one that certain injuries or imperfections are a subject of merriment while remaining quite serious for the person possessing them" (20). As the war grows distant, Jake must assimilate to life as a lover, not a soldier. In a time when people try to forget the war, Jake becomes not a hero but the object of a cruel joke.    "You have given more than your life." -The Sun Also Rises    Tashi is also wounded for her country. Her African tribe, the Olinkans, demands that everyone have their face scared with traditional tribal markings. For women this "initiation" also includes circumcision. Tashi wants to go through with the ritual--just as Jake decides to join the army--so that she can sacrifice for the traditions and culture she believes in.

Americans Eat More Than Required

According to The Journal Of the American Medical Association JAM), † More than one-third of adults and 17% of youth in the United States are obese†¦ † (Ogden, Carroll, Kit, and Flea) So why do we as Americans eat more than the usual human being? From personal opinion I believe it is all the resources and opportunities we have to constantly eat. There are vending machines everywhere, food vendors every†here, restaurants everywhere, food trucks everywhere, it is almost if our world revolved around eating.On top of that we like to get out moneys worth, so it constantly pushes restaurants to serve more food. Know when eat I usually eat what is on my late whether its a lot or a little, tend to finish. Working in the restaurant industry I see the same. Our portions tend to be about 8 ounces of meat and another 10-12 ounces worth of sides. That is a lot of food to put down in one sitting. Most people do it though. Very few people ever ask for a take out box. This pape r is not about how all Americans are obese, but instead to inform the reader that we should not be eating as much.We should be eating smaller portions and more frequently. In today's industry all the restaurants are offering healthier alternatives. McDonald's is getting ready to rebind itself and lean more in a healthy way. That itself should show America that we need to observe what we eat. The JAM article states, â€Å"Overall, there have been no significant changes in obesity prevalence in youth or adults between 2003-2004 and 2011-2012. Obesity prevalence remains high and thus It is important to continue surveillance. (Ogden, Carroll, Kit, and Flea) It is something that if we instill in the children of America they will understand it at a young age and begin their habits right instead of overeating from a young age, † Obesity and childhood obesity, in particular, are the focus of many public health efforts in the United States. (Ogden, Carroll, Kit, and Gall) To conclude I would like to say that I am not the â€Å"ideal† in shape American, but I also do not fall into the 17% of the youth that is obese.

Nurse on Thinking Outside the Box

Innovative thinking is required but In order to do so, one must gain ample experience to foresee crisis that may happen upon the application of the unconventional. Getting out of the box means sucking with the problem longer, and looking at It from various sides, which may not always be suitable for a fast paced nurse, even with the right time management nurses are naturally multi-tasters and are known to accomplish one job to get on with the other. In the box thinkers often believe that every problem needs only one solution; therefore, folding more than one possible solution is a waste of time.In Nursing Leaders/Supervisors: Nursing leaders on the other hand, thinking outside of the box may mean seeking the opinions of others which can help in the creative thinking process. As a nurse leader, one can improve out of the box thinking if one seeks ideas from those outside of one's own profession. Asking oneself on how things are being done in other industries could go a long way from J ust going around his/her own department. Through this, a leader can easily seek what ideas can be best applied to a particular situation/task/problem and this requires a willingness to take new respective to day-to-day work.As nurse leaders, they need to nurture their ability to think outside the box and promote this skill in others. In Nurses Working in Offices: While nurses who have ventured outside the clinical set-up and have chosen the cubicle type of work environment, by doing so only proves that they're one of the outside of the box thinkers. They are the ones who like to challenge their own assumptions on a regular basis, which can be the most difficult part of out of the box thinking. One must remember that Just because something has always been one ay, doesn't mean that it has to continue to be that way.Out-of-the box thinking requires openness to new ways of seeing the world and willingness to explore. It means considering other Innovative options, from roles as nurse edu cators, executive nurse leaders and policymakers, to nurse entrepreneurs, retail clinic nurses, nurse Informatics and researchers–to name a few–we have seen how nurses have been able to parlay their clinical backgrounds and health care skill sets Into entirely new realms, one must not stop because even great creative people can become In-the-box thinkers when they stop trying.

Free Essays on The Effects Of Anti-smoking Ads On The Youth Of America.

The effects of anti-smoking ads on the youth of America. Anti-smoking ads have hit America’s youth like a ton of bricks, and they are working. The â€Å"Truth† ads seem to be especially effective on the youth of today. I did not really realize that there were any other anti-smoking ads before the â€Å"truth† ads. It turns out that there have been anti-smoking ads since 1998. Those ads did not have much of an effect on the youth. They did not state any of the stats that the â€Å"truth† ads do, and they do not have a hard-hitting theme. The ads that did not have a hard impact were â€Å"think, don’t smoke† ads, and they featured such things as young athletes saying no to cigarettes and then going on to win or do good in something. As a result of these ads smoking is way down among high school students. The rate of smokers among teens is at the lowest tat it has been since 1991. In 1991 twenty seven and a half pe4rcent of high school students said that they smoked, and in 2001 the seniors in high school who smoke is about thirty five percent. It is still too many when about one in four kids in high school are still lighting up. More of what the reason this could be is because the price of cigarettes has risen as much as $1.50 more as in New York. 63.9 percent of high school students said that they have had at least taken one puff of a cigarette in their entire lives. Smoking is killing a lot of people. In Asia about 50,000 teenagers start smoking every day. About two-thirds of the people who are under twenty-five will start smoking in China. More than half of the children who are seven to seven-teen smoke in the Philippines. They say that there needs to be better control of the tobacco. Everywhere except a few countries in Asia have some of the world’s weakest tobacco control laws. Many different things affect the rate of smoking in teens. Certain anti-smoking ads have more of an affect than other anti-smoking ads. If you wan... Free Essays on The Effects Of Anti-smoking Ads On The Youth Of America. Free Essays on The Effects Of Anti-smoking Ads On The Youth Of America. The effects of anti-smoking ads on the youth of America. Anti-smoking ads have hit America’s youth like a ton of bricks, and they are working. The â€Å"Truth† ads seem to be especially effective on the youth of today. I did not really realize that there were any other anti-smoking ads before the â€Å"truth† ads. It turns out that there have been anti-smoking ads since 1998. Those ads did not have much of an effect on the youth. They did not state any of the stats that the â€Å"truth† ads do, and they do not have a hard-hitting theme. The ads that did not have a hard impact were â€Å"think, don’t smoke† ads, and they featured such things as young athletes saying no to cigarettes and then going on to win or do good in something. As a result of these ads smoking is way down among high school students. The rate of smokers among teens is at the lowest tat it has been since 1991. In 1991 twenty seven and a half pe4rcent of high school students said that they smoked, and in 2001 the seniors in high school who smoke is about thirty five percent. It is still too many when about one in four kids in high school are still lighting up. More of what the reason this could be is because the price of cigarettes has risen as much as $1.50 more as in New York. 63.9 percent of high school students said that they have had at least taken one puff of a cigarette in their entire lives. Smoking is killing a lot of people. In Asia about 50,000 teenagers start smoking every day. About two-thirds of the people who are under twenty-five will start smoking in China. More than half of the children who are seven to seven-teen smoke in the Philippines. They say that there needs to be better control of the tobacco. Everywhere except a few countries in Asia have some of the world’s weakest tobacco control laws. Many different things affect the rate of smoking in teens. Certain anti-smoking ads have more of an affect than other anti-smoking ads. If you wan...

Source monitoring involves thinking about our memories, it involves the processes in ascertaining the origins of our knowledge and making decisions about what sources the knowledge or memories The WritePass Journal

Source monitoring involves thinking about our memories, it involves the processes in ascertaining the origins of our knowledge and making decisions about what sources the knowledge or memories Introduction (2425) Source monitoring involves thinking about our memories, it involves the processes in ascertaining the origins of our knowledge and making decisions about what sources the knowledge or memories Introduction (2425)Method (1,397)ParticipantsMaterialsProcedureDesignEthicsResults (516)DiscussionBibliographyRelated Introduction (2425)    Human memory is far from perfect, often; we see somebody we ‘know’ in the street but can’t for the life of us think where we know them from. This is basically a mistake within our memory systems; more specifically it is a ‘source monitoring error’. Source monitoring involves thinking about our memories, it involves the processes in ascertaining the origins of our knowledge and making decisions about what sources the knowledge or memories are from (Johnson, Hashtroudi Lindsay, 1993). For example, source monitoring processes help us to decide whether we saw an event or whether we were simply told about it, whether we found important facts from a reliable source or a glossy magazine. Source monitoring errors may occur when someone is familiar with something (be it a person, place, event etc.) but misplaces the source of where that familiarity is from. For example one may see a person in the street whom one would not normally see in the street, the person may seem familiar to you, but you cannot place where you know them from. This familiarity, once placed with recollection will provide recognition of why one finds a particular person, place or event familiar. As with the person in the street, this problem is likely to arise when the subject is out of context, hence the ‘butcher-on-the-bus’ phenomenon (Yovel et al 2004). Familiarity does not help us out until it is combined with information such as spatiotemporal context of an episode, in which the memory was acquired, this will then aid recollection. When we are thinking about memories we undergo heuristic (automatic or unconscious) judgement processes in order to locate, effectively, where we know something from without making any conscious effort. Reality monitoring helps us know or realise what memories are internally generated (what memories are thoughts) and what memories are externally derived (what memories are of events that actually happened). Johnson et al (1993; 1997) build on Johnson and Raye’s (1981) reality-monitoring framework in order to produce a source monitoring framework that suggests that source monitoring is a combination of, different attributes or characteristics of memories and judgement processes which help to discriminate between different memories and types of memories (Johnson et al, 1993; Johnson, 1997). Source monitoring distinguishes between all the different internal thoughts; between different externally derived events and also between internal and external sources (e.g. dreaming about som ething, waking up and thinking it had actually happened) (Johnson et al 1997). By ‘source’ it is meant the general conditions under which a memory was acquired, i.e. the contexts of the event, how and when it was witnessed. Furthermore, source attributions are made, according to the source monitoring framework, to different degrees of confidence and specificity which depend on the quality and quantity of information available at the time of initial experience. Johnson et al also point out that among other things, information available, criteria used to determine the source of a memory and task demands of attributing a source are all important factors (Johnson 1993). When we are making judgements about memories (through a judgement process) we attribute source monitoring. Source monitoring takes into account different kinds of information, or different attributes, about memories in order to complete the task of locating the source of a given memory. Different characteristics of the memory that monitoring is based on are; perceptual information (acquiring sensory information), contextual information (spatial information and information about your surroundings at the time), semantic information (information about language use), affective information (emotions) and cognitive detail (thoughts or information that may have been acquired) (Johnson et al 1993, Johnson 1997). According to the source monitoring framework there are several factors which determine the ease and accuracy of identifying a source; the first is the type and the amount of   these different characteristics of the memory that monitoring is based on. The second is how distinctive t hese characteristics are from source to source, two sources with similar characteristics will be harder to distinguish from each other. The last factor is the effectiveness of the decision processes; richly detailed memories have unique attributes which enable decision processes to be effective (Johnson et al 1993). Although most source monitoring decisions are indeed made in this heuristic or automatic manner, sometimes, more strategic processes are required to gather the appropriate information in order to avoid detrimental effects or situations. As well as heuristic processing, systematic or more ‘controlled’ processing is sometimes used (Johnson et al 1993). This more extended version of source monitoring processes is more complex. There may be other reasons or factors for you deciding, for example, what particular event occurred and when. Sometimes other beliefs, specific memories or general knowledge may have to be accessed in order to evaluate what you believe to be the source of your target memory (the memory you are trying to find the origin of). For example you may recall an event where a friend told you a story at a certain party; however other information about that friend being away travelling that year may lead you to recall that it could not have been that friend but must have been another. Evidence that source monitoring involves memory characteristics is shown by comparing memories for perceived and imagined events. Events that are actually perceived have more perceptual and contextual detail, hence if a large amount of perceptual information is found; it is easier to make a source monitoring decision on that particular memory (Johnson et al 1993). One study that supports this framework is Johnson et al (1988), he asked participants to rate real events and dreamt or imagined events and rate them on memory characteristics, participants rated actually perceived events as having clearer temporal and spatial information and more perceptual information (Johnson et al 1993). Evidence that memories are attributed to sources by processes during the source monitoring procedure is shown by Raye, Johnson and Taylor. In their studies they used two different strategies to compare features of memories for internally generated and externally perceived events finding that given stric ter instructions, participants are more selective about what information they need to preserve (Raye, Johnson Taylor 1980). Evidence, through developmental research, that reality monitoring, external source monitoring and internal source monitoring are different classes of source monitoring problems is supported in poor performance on one but not another situation. As Hashtroudi found, older adults can be impaired in internal external source monitoring but not in reality monitoring (Hastroudi et al, 1989). Source monitoring can also be linked in with a range of other psychological and day to day phenomenon; such as; old-new recognition (Ferguson et al 1992), direct and indirect tests of memory (Richardson-Klavehn Bjork, 1988), eyewitness testimony (Loftus, 1979) and misattribution of familiarity (Johnson Foley 1984). Although source monitoring can be applied in these different ways (automatic and controlled) and are used in every day life, there are indeed ways in which source monitoring errors can occur as seen with the example of the person in the street, in Jacoby’s False Fame effect and also through dà ©j vu . These inevitable source monitoring errors can incur practical, social and emotional consequences (Johnson et al 1993) and can happen in a number of ways. For example a source monitoring error may result in you telling a joke to someone who originally told you the joke, a source monitoring error may also result in accidental plagiarism that could have been easily avoided. Peters et al (2007) has shown that people who have ‘memories’ or beliefs about abnormal or implausible life events, commit an increased amount of source monitoring errors or in other words they make more source monitoring errors by ‘misclassifying familiar non famous names as famous names†™ (Peters et al 2007, p162) in the false fame task than people who do not have these memories or beliefs. (Peters et al 2007). Peters et al (2007) specifically tested people who claimed to have ‘hypnotically induced previous life memories’ against a control group (Peters et al 2007, p163). Furthermore, Clancy et al (2002) found that people who claim to have experienced alien abduction or claim to have memories of such abductions, tend to falsely recall and recognise critical lure words that they have not been presented with (Clancy 2002) in the DRM paradigm (Deese 1959; Roediger McDermott 1995). One particular phenomenon related with source monitoring errors evolved in 1989. Jacoby et al compiled a paper containing studies that showed what he called the False- Fame effect (Jacoby Woloshyn, 1989). During a false fame task participants are shown a list of non-famous names to read aloud and are told that all of the names are non famous. Later, the participants are presented with the same (old) non-famous names mixed with different (new) non-famous names as well as actual famous names and ‘fame judgements’ are made on each name. In general, findings show that old non-famous names regularly get judged as famous due to a source monitoring error wherein the participant has misattributed the familiarity of a name, the correct source of the name would be from the initial list studied however the participant has incorrectly judged the name to be famous due to familiarity and a source monitoring error combined. After being explicitly told that the names studied within the study stage are non famous names, the act then, of naming a non famous name as famous at test, must be a source monitoring error. Jacoby’s false fame effect is also evidence that the past can be used to influence present performance without intervention of conscious recollection. If conscious recollection was indeed present, the participant would remember that they saw the non famous name earlier in a study stage and locate that as the source of the memory, and not think to themselves ‘I recognise that name therefore it must be famous’. In Jacoby et al’s (1989) study, the unconscious influence of memory is due to divided attention as Jacoby tested participants on the false fame test in full vs. divided attention groups.   Jacoby Woloshyn’s (1989) False-Fame Effect is a good way to show source monitoring errors (Jacoby Woloshyn 1989). A second phenomenon that is often seen to be related with source monitoring errors is when something may seem so familiar that you feel as though you have experienced it before, be it a place, a conversation or an event. This phenomenon is also to do with familiarity and is the familiar feeling of dà ©j vu. Due to the nature of dà ©j vu it has proved hard to study the phenomenon, however recent neurological advances have thought that dà ©j vu could potentially, at any one time, be down to one of the following; a slight and brief change in speed of transmissions; a short split in perceptual information causing the (present) experience to seem as though it is two different experiences or the presence of unconscious familiarity without the conscious recollection of the source of the familiarity. Dà ©j vu literally means ‘already seen’, Neppe (1983) described dà ©j vu as â€Å"any subjectively inappropriate impression of familiarity of a present experience with an unde fined past† (Brown, 2003, p394). Brown (2004) also described dà ©j vu as a ‘jolting confrontation between our subjective sense of familiarity and our objective evaluation of unfamiliarity’ (Brown, 2004, p256). The dà ©j vu experience is often seen as another example (as well as the false fame effect) where the source of ‘familiarity’ is not recollected, and so is essentially a source monitoring error. Kusumi (2006) states that dà ©j vu is caused by ‘comparable present experience and past experiences’ (Kusumi, 2006, p303). If one realises that they are experiencing or that they have experienced dà ©j vu it is because reality monitoring helps one to confirm that an experience is new even though it feels familiar, however at the time of dà ©j vu it is likely that one does not know they are experiencing it. Jacoby 1989 shows that the past can be used to influence present performance without the intervention of conscious recollection and with source monitoring errors. This study remains in sync with this notion as participants are shown a set of stimuli and then shown again later knowing that they have previously seen a selection of the stimuli and know that those specific stimuli are non-famous. Therefore if they are to label an old non famous stimulus as famous their performance has been influenced by the past without conscious recollection. If the participants had consciously recollected where they recognised the stimulus from then they would have known they already saw it, remember correctly that they had been told it was non famous and then at test, they would have labelled the stimulus correctly as non-famous rather than incorrectly as famous. Jacoby also shows that he has produced this effect of unconscious influences through the help of dividing attention. The earlier mentioned examples are a few ways in which the false fame test has been manipulated, or tested combined with different factors; the present study aims to explore into combining the false fame test with alternative stimuli that is; it will try to see if the same effects are seen when the participants look at actual images of faces on a computer screen rather than reading out words (names in word form). This study will also look into the question of whether people who experience the phenomenon of Dà ©j vu frequently do worse when tested on the false fame paradigm than people who do not experience it as often (frequency of dà ©j vu is defined by answers of the Inventory of Dà ©j vu Experiences Assessment (IDEA). This is believed to be an appropriate next step to take into research about source monitoring errors and who is more susceptible to making these errors. The hypothesis is ‘Are people with higher frequency dà ©j vu encounters more susceptible to False Fame t ests?’ My predictions include that errors made on a false fame test will relate to frequency of dà ©j vu. That is, people who experience dà ©j vu more frequently will be more susceptible to false fame and therefore make more fame judgement errors at test, than people who experience dà ©j vu infrequently or less frequently. This is due to †¦.****************Another prediction is that old non famous faces will be judged wrongly as famous more often than new non famous faces due to unconscious influence of the past combined with source monitoring errors. A third prediction is that both the factors of frequency of dà ©j vu and also the type of face presented will have an overall joint affect on source monitoring errors and people will be more susceptible to false fame. Method (1,397)    Participants The total number of participants tested was 76; 64 females and 12 males. The participants’ ages ranged from 18 to 44, the mean age was 20.17 years with a standard deviation of 2.96 indicating that most of the ages are close to the mean. The participants were recruited from the University of Lincoln by advertisement of the study through email and recruitment via word of mouth; participants reading Psychology were enticed by a credit point which would in turn allow them to access the student pool during their own Independent study. All of the participants were either undergraduate students at the university reading various courses or otherwise involved with the university. The participants were placed into groups, after testing, based on the frequency of dà ©j vu experienced, established by the Inventory for Dà ©j vu Experiences Assessment (IDEA). Group 1 were participants who in general, encounter a low frequency of dà ©j vu and group 2 are participants who encounter a high frequency of dà ©j vu. Materials To conduct the experiment 60 images of non-famous faces and 30 famous faces were presented over three different displays for the first and third stage of the experiment combined. All the faces were cropped to a grey scale, chin to forehead, ear to ear section of each face in order to try to eliminate anything recognisable other than the face e.g. clothing, setting, body language, hair style and colour. These faces were all cropped to a width of 10cm to try to ensure that they were all roughly equal sizes and recognition would not be due to over or under sized images. The images were presented to participants using a presentation file with Microsoft PowerPoint 2010 on a plain black background via a 15.6† HD screen. For the second part of the experiment the participants were given the first part (part A) of the Inventory of Dà ©j vu Experiences Assessment (IDEA) to fill in. The IDEA is a 24 part questionnaire designed to capture qualitative information about dà ©j vu experiences. The questionnaire is comprised of 2 sections; A and B consisting of 9 and 14 items respectively. Participants completed the first half of the questionnaire as a distracter task in between study and test, this then indicated whether participants experienced dà ©j vu often or not very often. The second part (part B) of the IDEA was given to participants who revealed a high frequency of dà ©j vu experienced in the first part and more specifically the first question. Procedure Each participant was greeted and given a consent form to read, sign and date. Once this was completed the participant was prompted to ask any questions he or she may have had. The participants were then given instruction to carry out the first, study stage of the experiment. This involved a timed presentation of 30 faces to which the participant was asked to make an age judgement on each face by stating ‘over’ if the participant believed the face to be over 25 or ‘under’ if the participant believed the face to be under 25. This age judgement ensured deeper encoding of the faces by the participants and each face appeared on the screen in front of the participant for 3 seconds. During the study stage, one of two study presentations, containing 30 different non famous faces each, were used and assigned to participants where, for one study presentation, old non famous faces in the test presentation would be new non famous faces when the second study presentation was used. This first section of the experiment lasted approximately 90 seconds. ***CHECK***After the presentation the participants were explicitly told that all of the faces t hey had just seen were non famous. The participants were then handed the first part of a 2-part, 23-item questionnaire to be completed and given back for the second stage of the experiment. This part of the questionnaire was to be filled out by everyone partly as a distracter task between study and test stage but also for the information about dà ©j vu experiences, the first half of the questionnaire lasted about 3 minutes.***CHECK*** The third part of the experiment was the test stage in which participants were again shown a timed presentation (each face appearing once again for 3 seconds) of the 30 previously seen faces from the study stage, a new set of 30 non famous faces and a further 30 famous faces randomly mixed all together to make a presentation 90 faces big. An effort was made in attempt to find faces that participants would hopefully recognise as famous but would not know the accomplishment that had led them to fame straight away without systematic processing. The participants would not have time to be able to think about this however as the presentation would very quickly move onto the next face for them to judge. Instructions read to participants at this point were very careful and precise. The participants were asked to state famous for a face that was ‘even vaguely familiar’ to them, participants were told that none of the famous faces that they would see would be as famous as someone like David Beckham but that a famous face would be famous on some level even if it was to a really low degree. The participants were asked to state out loud ‘famous’ if they recognised the faces as famous or ‘non famous’ if they did not recognise the face as famous. The experimenter noted the answers on a previously made checklist for all participants. Due to the counterbalance of faces in the first study stage, half the participants were seeing new non famous faces that the other half would see as old non famous faces. After completion of the last stage of the experiment, participants were debriefed, thanked, awarded with their credit point and could then leave. Design The design consists of one unrelated (or between) subjects factor, frequency of dà ©j vu with two levels; low frequency of dà ©j vu and high frequency of dà ©j vu. The design also consists of one within (or related) subjects factor, type of face; with two levels; old non famous faces (that the participant had previously seen) and new non famous faces (that the participants had never seen before). Due to this a two-way mixed repeated measures ANOVA was computed to determine whether people who experience a higher frequency of dà ©j vu are more susceptible to making source monitoring errors with in a false fame task. A related t-test was also carried out on the scores obtained from famous faces, i.e. the number of famous faces that were actually judged (correctly) as famous to determine any differences of famous faces correctly being judged as famous between the two groups of high and low frequency of dà ©j vu.    Ethics During testing all relevant ethical issues surrounding the study, delineated by the BPS guidelines were regarded. The participants were all given a consent form to read, sign and date to prove that they had given their informed consent in to taking part. Informed consent was given to make sure participants were not tricked into anything they were not aware of; false or misleading information was not given to participants simply to gain consent; withholding slight information for purpose of study that will not negatively affect the participant in any way is different to deceit. Within the consent form they were informed that they had the right to withdraw from the study at any time and that their partaking was completely voluntary. Throughout testing and afterwards all information about participants was kept completely private and confidential as the Data Protection Act (1998) requires. All data gained was kept anonymous and no results attached to identities were exposed in any way. Participants were assigned codes in cases of withdrawal or if the participant needed to contact the experimenter for other reasons. During the study participants were not exposed to any kind of risk or anything that would make them feel uneasy, stressed or anxious. After the whole study was complete, participants were debriefed and any information not thoroughly explained before the testing due to purpose of study was explained. Debriefing also ensured that participants were still happy to be included as research and that they could now withdraw if they were not. Participants took away the consent and debrief forms with information about how to withdraw is they so wished after they had left the room. Results (516) For each subject the proportion of famously judged faces (the number of old non famous faces judged as famous, the number of new non famous faces judged as famous and the number of actual famous faces judged as famous) was calculated as a function of dà ©j vu frequency. These data are shown in Table 1.   Response times were not recorded. Table 1. Mean proportion of scores (incorrectly judged fame) of all three types of face in both high and low groups of frequency of dà ©j vu. From the table it is obvious that more errors were made on judgements given for old non famous faces than new non famous faces in both groups of low and high frequency of dà ©j vu experienced. This result on its own is in continuation with other false fame tasks that have revealed non famous but already seen faces (names in other cases) to be judged as famous regardless of participants being told explicitly that the faces are non famous (Jacoby et al 1989, Bartlett et al 1991, Peters et al 2007more?) On average, both groups of frequency of dà ©j vu judged approximately half the amount of actually famous faces, (Mean =0.52 for both groups) as famous. The mean proportions of scores also show that the number of errors for old non famous faces were indeed higher in the high frequency dà ©j vu group than the low, suggesting my hypothesis may be true, however further analysis has shown that difference to be non significant. The results of the Mixed Repeated Measures ANOVA treating the frequency of dà ©j vu (Group) as the between subjects factor and the type of face shown (Type) as the within subjects factor, showed the interaction between Group and Type to be not significant [F (1, 74) = 7.624; p = 0.007] indicating that the frequency of dà ©j vu experience had no direct effect on incorrectly judging old or new non famous faces as famous. The interaction was calculated in order to find out the effect of both factors together on fame judgements. This being a main prediction of the research question leads to a null hypothesis to be taken. The analysis of variance failed to reveal an overall effect of Group [F (1, 74) = 0.179; p = 0.673], indicating that the overall proportion of incorrect fame judgements did not differ between low and high frequencies of dà ©j vu experience, (one tailed). A main effect of test (Type) was found [F (1, 74) = 45.393; p 0.001(p=0.00)] showing that incorrect fame judgements were greater in judgement of old non famous faces than new non famous faces (one tailed); this is still in continuation with other, previous research. The famous faces judged as famous had the same mean proportion across both Groups, those who experience dà ©j vu at a low (SD=0.20) and high (SD= 0.17) frequency indicating that there is no difference in correct fame judgements of famous faces between the two Groups. An unrelated t-test showed that any difference there may be between scores was not significant [t (74) =0.000; p=1.000] as 1.000 is greater than 0.05. Discussion The amount a face was judged as ‘famous’ was measured (see table 1.) for each of the three types of face; famous, old non famous and new non famous and in each of the groups; high frequency of dà ©j vu experience and low frequency of dà ©j vu experience. This was in order to find out if people who experience a high frequency of dà ©j vu are more susceptible to false fame, i.e. will they make more incorrect judgements or source monitoring errors during the task. The proportions of means suggested at first that people who experience a higher frequency of dà ©j vu are indeed more susceptible to a false fame task. Further analysis was carried out and an interaction calculation between group and type in order to find out whether people do indeed do worse on a false fame test if they experience higher levels of dà ©j vu showed that they do not. Therefore a null hypothesis rejecting my hypothesis is to be taken showing that people with higher levels or frequencies of dà © j vu experience do not necessarily do worse on a false fame test that uses faces as stimuli as opposed to names in word form. A calculation on the effect of group showed that the factor of whether people experience high or low frequencies of dà ©j vu does not affect how many errors are made. In other words no significant difference was found in the number of incorrect fame judgements, or source monitoring errors, between the two groups. This is contrary to the prediction that people in the higher frequency of dà ©j vu experience will do worse at the false fame test and obtain more incorrect fame judgements on old non famous faces than people in the low frequency dà ©j vu groups. However people in this high frequency of dà ©j vu experience group did, on average, make slightly more incorrect fame judgements (Mean=0.30) than people in the lower frequency of dà ©j vu group (Mean=0.27 ). A calculation on the main effect of test was found, showing that people made more source errors or incorrect fame judgements on old non famous faces than new non famous faces which is in keep with Jacoby et al’s false fame experiment (1989) and also confirms my prediction that old non famous faces will be judged wrongly as famous more often than new non famous faces due to unconscious influence of the past combined with source monitoring errors. In other words people were more likely to judge a face as famous if they had already seen it regardless of the fact that they had been explicitly told that the faces they had seen in the study stage were all non famous faces. talk about – past influence, familiarity no recollection and source monitoring error combined. As already stated my hypothesis did not turn out to be true and people who experience high frequencies of dà ©j vu were not more susceptible to false fame in this experiment, however if the same experiment was to be carried out with the original stimuli, i.e. using words instead of faces plus similar groups the outcome may be desirable. This may be due to the fact that the original test had been used and been successful in the past. People who are more ****well travelled etc***** are more susceptible to the false fame test therefore people who experience dà ©j vu may be too. (is it people who experience dà ©j vu are oftern wel travelled etc or is it people who do bad on false fame task I think its dà ©j vu In which case that is wrong Overall my results do support other false fame tests such as Jacoby et al (1989), Peters et al (2007)†¦ Bartlett et al 1991 find all examples I can where false fame effect are shown; intro? http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Source-monitoring_error http://psiexp.ss.uci.edu/research/papers/memory/KelleyJacoby.pdf http://scholar.google.co.uk/scholar?q=false+fame+studieshl=enas_sdt=0as_vis=1oi=scholart Findings of my experiment What it shows What it supports Possible reasons for results   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   e.g. different instructions relationships of anything use of distractor tasks links to current experiment further research in area evidence of false fame effect    Older adults more likely to call old nonfamous names famous in fame judgement task, however dà ©j vu is observed less frequently in older adults which adds a reason to the point that people who experience dà ©j vu more oftenwould not be more susceptible to the false fame task.    Bibliography Brown, A. 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